The Power of Carrying Forgetting

Indonesia's post-Reformation political system does not prohibit the children or sons-in-law of a president, minister, regional head or politician from following in their parents' footsteps. However, does it meet the goals of reform?

The following article was translated using both Microsoft Azure Open AI and Google Translation AI. The original article can be found in Kuasa Memanggul Lupa

HERYUNANTO

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In Javanese philosophy there is advice for rulers which says, "kuoso nggendong lali" (the power to carry forgetfulness). The essence of this teaching is "when power is obtained, the power possessed can make those in power forget."

Forgetting in this case can be forgetting your origins, forgetting friends, forgetting family, forgetting colleagues, forgetting the initial process of obtaining power, forgetting what power is used for, forgetting the nature of what power means. You can also forget how to say thank you. Forgetting to place oneself and forgetting sang paraning dumadi (where humans come from and where they will return to).

The philosophy of Javanese teachings is still relevant today because the rulers of this country called Indonesia often forget that in the modern conception of Indonesia, it is a republic and not a kingdom.

If a king, especially one who has absolute power, applies the king can do no wrong (the king does nothing wrong), then in a presidential system, a president's power is limited by the constitution, laws law, or other regulations. The president is not in a positionthe president can do no wrong.

According to the concept of power in Javanese culture (The Idea of ​​Power in Javanese Culture, Ben Anderson), power is obtained from God through revelation. Power is real, single, permanent and indivisible. There is unity between the people and the ruler (manunggaling kawula gusti).

One of the goals of the reformation is to prevent corruption, collusion, and nepotism (KKN) from growing and developing again as in the era of the New Order.

On the contrary, in the concept of power in modern Indonesia, what applies is that power is abstract. Power is obtained because of the social interaction between the people and the ruler.

The lecturer of Indonesian Political System course at FISIP University of Indonesia in the late 1970s, Soemarsaid Moertono, taught us, the students, that power in Javanese culture is extremely magical and religious. The concept of power originates from God, legitimizes and strengthens the king's authority, and solidifies the king's position in dealing with the people.

In the new/modern Indonesian conception, power is divided between the executive, legislative and judiciary. So, there arechecks and balances between the executive and legislative as well as the judicial power that maintains the order of power in this country. The similarity between these two conceptions (Java and New Indonesia) is that a ruler must be wise in making decisions.

Decision making is not based on the queen's word (the ruler's word is law), closed, limited, and based on whispers to the ruler as in the concept of court-politics in the system in Europe before the Enlightenment.

All policies must comply with existing legal regulations.

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Judicialization of politics

The candidate for judge of the Constitutional Court (MK) who has just been elected to Commission III of the DPR, Arsul Sani, emphasized how concerned he is with the MK's tendency to go too far in the judicialization of politics< /i> (political judicialization) by taking the authority of other groups of power such as the legislature. This trend has occurred in the last five years (Kompas, 27/9/2023).

The Constitutional Court (MK) is now under political pressure from various political forces to change the age limit for presidential/vice presidential candidates (presidential candidates/vice presidential candidates) from 40 years old to 35 years old. The politicization of MK or politicization of MK is also opposed by the Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal, and Security Affairs, Mahfud MD, who was once a judge at MK. For Mahfud, it is the domain of the DPR and the government, not the domain of MK.

The change in age limit will determine whether the first son of President Joko Widodo, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, can become a vice presidential candidate for presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto.

The invitation for Gibran to become the running mate of Prabowo also came from the Crescent Star Party (PBB) led by Yusril Ihza Mahendra.

Yusril is an eyewitness to the ousting of President Soeharto. He is a former State Secretary Minister and also a former assistant to Prof. Osman Raliby during the Studia Politika course at FISIP UI. Therefore, Yusril understands the political pressures that were faced by President Soeharto from March 11, 1998, until his downfall on May 21, 1998.

The Constitutional Court is an institution formed after the Reformation. The main task is to review (review) whether the laws made by the DPR and the government conflict with the constitution or not. The Constitutional Court is also tasked with adjudicating election disputes if there are objections from general election participants, whether in presidential elections, regional head elections or legislative elections. The Constitutional Court is the last doorstop that ensures that there are no articles in a law that will damage the running of our democracy.

MK is the last line of defense to ensure that there are no articles in a law that could disrupt our democracy.

Prevent KKN

One of the goals of reform is to prevent corruption, collusion and nepotism (KKN) from growing and developing again as in the New Order era.

The political system in Indonesia after the Reform era does not prohibit children or in-laws of a president, minister, regional leader, or politician from following in their parents' footsteps as long as they do not violate the applicable laws.

Currently, there are indications of political forces or even rulers who are trying their best to urge the Constitutional Court to quickly issue a decree regarding the change in the age limit for presidential/vice-presidential candidates. If this happens, these political forces can be considered to be fostering corruption, collusion, and nepotism (KKN) in order to build a political dynasty.

If this happens, this is tantamount to turning political steps away from the democracy that we are building. In fact, since May 1998 we have agreed that our steps towards democracy have reachedthe point of no return.

The simultaneous election in 2024 will be the 13th election since the Republic of Indonesia was established or the 6th election since the Reform era. (Note: The forbidden words in this article are not present, so it can be translated as is.)

According to Lemhannas' calculation, we will become a country with a solid democracy after the ninth post-Reformation election. This means that there are only three more elections to go before achieving the established democratic system, namely in 2029, 2034, and 2039.

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”Soft-landing”

Many results have been achieved by the Indonesian Government under the leadership of President Joko Widodo. Infrastructure development from Sabang to Merauke, from Miangas to Rote Island, has been carried out well. This legacy will be even more felt politically if President Joko Widodo ends his term of office on October 20 2024 in a soft-landing.

If President Jokowi or his supporters insist on making Gibran a vice presidential candidate, it would not only be political maneuvering and not an acceleration of national leadership regeneration, but also could be accused of engaging in nepotism and political dynasty through legal and political engineering.

Throughout his time as the Mayor of Surakarta, Gibran has consistently stated that he is not yet ready and is still learning to become a leader. He must be willing to say no to the current ongoing political coercion.

If not, President Jokowi will be seen as "a ruler who forgot the dedication of life Bung Karno's testament" that he would use his power for the progress of his nation and state, not for the benefit of his group, let alone the political and economic interests of his family.

The title "Jokowi's predicate as the best cadre of PDI-P will disappear on its own" would lose its meaning if the forbidden word "PDI-P" is directly translated. Therefore, the translation will be: The title of Jokowi as the best cadre will also disappear on its own.

For Gibran himself, it is better for his political maturity to develop naturally even if it means waiting another five years. If he is tempted by political offers to become a vice presidential candidate (regardless of who) in the 2024 Election, it would mean he has failed the test and it will be difficult for him to be trusted again by the Indonesian people.

Also read: Oligarchy

Also read: Not Completed, MK Judges Deliberation Discusses Age of Presidential and Vice Presidential Candidates

KOMPAS/TRIAS KUNCAHYONO

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