Populism, Religion, and the 2024 Election
If religion which colors the 2024 elections manifests itself in the people's resistance movement, there is a high probability that they will face a crisis. This crisis is a marker of populism.
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It cannot be denied that the relationship between populism and religion is very complex. Religion, for example, often appears in populist phenomena, in various forms and functions. Moreover, this populist phenomenon occurs in an area inhabited by people who adhere to various specific religions, including Indonesia.
This point of view on the relationship between populism and religion is very important for appreciating the fresh ideas about ”identity politics” put forward by the highest leaders of Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah: Prof. Haedar Nashir and KH Yahya Cholil Staquf. They reject primordialism that has the potential to cause division.
Populism
Populism is simply a phenomenon of people's resistance. Cas Mudde in The Populist Zeitgeist (2004), explains populism as a movement of pure, homogeneous and antagonistic people against corrupt rulers in the name of populist morality.
Mudde regards the people as a group of ordinary individuals who are pure and have rights and sovereignty over a particular territory in which they reside. When that territory, based on an agreed-upon political mandate (which is based on established laws), is entrusted to their representatives, the government, it must be managed properly and rightfully.
Also read: Stemming the Politicization of Religion
Mismanagement in governance has resulted in complaints, lack of trust, demands, and even the desire to correct, criticize, and even impeach the political power represented by the government. The people, in the context of populism, are considered noble and claim to have a higher sovereignty than the seats of power held by the "ruling elites". Even these elites, in the populist perspective, are considered mere "assistants of the people in managing the government".
Mismanagement has resulted in populist political crackdowns, which portray ruling elites as corrupt, incompetent, and unsupportive of virtue. Thus, populism is a "pure" people's resistance that brings with it a moral mission against corrupt ruling elites. In this context, the people are imagined as a unified resistance that is diametrically impossible to be charged with mismanagement errors in governance.
Populism and religion
In rallying their resistance against the elite, populist groups are gathering political power from individuals in the name of the "purity" of the people's morality. This mobilization sometimes uses religion as a symbol, argumentation, narrative, or rhetoric to influence the masses to believe that they are facing a big problem caused by corrupt elites. At the same time, populist groups also promise that support for the people's resistance movement will solve the crisis they face.
The definition of religion in this case, in general, borrows from Emile Durkheim (1915), it can be seen as a system of beliefs and practices in society related to things that are sacred and religious .
On the one hand, this use of religion can be a mobilization tool, or more generally, a political instrument. On the other hand, there is also "the morality of people's resistance" which actually stems from religious doctrines. That is, religion on the other hand serves as an inspiration to rally the forces of resistance against the tyrannical elite. The first way is called instrumentalization of religion for political purposes, while the second is political religion.
It is indeed difficult to guess the hearts of politicians or populist actors, whether they are sincerely fighting for religion or exploiting it for political pragmatism.
What is mentioned last has at least two mechanisms. First, religion exerts such a strong influence on the political process (with purely religious aims). Second, political sacralization or spiritualization, in which good deeds in politics must be sought without symbolically playing the role of a particular religious identity. The problem with this political sacralization is to serve the interests of the religious community who usually live in a democratic political climate that tends to be secular.
According to José Pedro Zúquete (2017), the mechanism of the instrumentalization of religion and political religion in populism is unclear, not completely separate, and sometimes overlaps with one another. It is difficult to predict the hearts of politicians or populist actors, whether they sincerely fight for religion, or use it for political pragmatism.
To use religion
In the context of the 2024 Election, the two most important figures of moderate Islam in the country suggest avoiding "identity politics". That is, don't use religion, and put too much emphasis on certain religious interpretations by assuming that political affairs are matters of the hereafter which are equivalent to matters of faith.
"Using religion" can be questioned as immoral. However, religious interpretation in viewing politics, including elections, is something that is open for discussion. As long as this is not coercion, repression, service, and even disbelief, this is the realm of fluid political ijtihad. Moreover, Indonesian society is a religious society, especially socially and culturally.
Therefore, identity politics, albeit controversial, seems to remain a prominent feature. As a result, there will still be Islamic-inclined parties, such as PKS, PKB, PAN, PBB, and PPP, there will still be noble political participation from Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah, Persis, Al-Irsyad, Al-Jam’iyyatul Washliyah, and so forth, and presidential candidates who consider religious values important, such as Anies Baswedan (more towards traditionalist Muslims), Prabowo Subianto (coming from aristocratic background), and Ganjar Pranowo (who identifies as syncretic Muslims).
Also read: Transcending the Nationalism-Populism Dilemma
However, if religion that colors the 2024 Election becomes a movement of people's resistance, there is a most likely crisis that will be faced. This crisis represents populism. It symbolizes the dissatisfaction of the authentic owner of democracy's sovereignty, the people. Nevertheless, this is not always triggered by the government's performance. Even when the government has worked well, the complexity of our democracy practice conditions all of this to happen.
Identity politics and the politicization of religion are areas of ijtihad that should actually be fought for the interests of national development with a noble and progressive religious spirit.
Hasnan Bachtiar, Lecturer at University of Muhammadiyah Malang; Populism Observer at The Alfred Deakin Institute for Citizenship and Globalization, Deakin University, Australia