Indonesia and the New Global Nuclear Weapons Policy
For internal Indonesia, an appropriate policy through synergy of all parties related to naval nuclear propulsion urgently needs to be formulated and implemented immediately.
The Tenth Nonproliferation Treaty Review Conference (RevConf) took place from 1-26 Aug. at the United Nations headquarters in New York, the United States.
In the conference, which is held every five years, 180 state parties reviewed the implementation of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and formulated recommendations for steps that needed to be taken in order to achieve the goals of the NPT.
In the conference, which was marked by conflicts of interests among several "giant countries", Indonesia submitted a working paper (the Indonesia Paper) questioning the operation of naval nuclear propulsion (NNP).
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In principle, Indonesia emphasized the need to formulate international ordinances that would protect state parties, especially archipelagic countries, from potential hazards to the environment and humans, due to traffic or accidents involving naval nuclear propulsion. During their initial presentations, several state parties, naval nuclear propulsion owners and "potential owners" asserted their responses that they basically did not want their naval nuclear propulsion operations to be "disturbed".
The reason was that they had technically anticipated the potential dangers and the operation of naval nuclear propulsion did not conflict with international rules, especially the nuclear nonproliferation treaty.
NPT and regional tensions
In its participation in eight conferences since 1980, as a non-nuclear weapon state (NNWS) and Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) member country, Indonesia's position has been largely a reflection of the collective stance of the NAM and vice versa.
As the coordinator of NAM working group on disarmament from 1995 up to now, Indonesia carries the collective policy of the movement, which seeks: (1) nuclear weapons disarmament (Article VI of NPT) as the highest priority; (2) a guarantee of the supply of nuclear materials and technology for peaceful programs in developing countries (Article IV of NPT); (3) inspections under the safeguard system by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) not being intrusive to developing countries (Article III of NPT).
Driven by its interest as a maritime country and concern about high tensions between “giant countries” in the East Asia region, Indonesia proposed the naval nuclear propulsion issue by itself, not as a representation of the NAM (Reaching Critical Will, Statements in NPT RevConf).
In the European region, treaties such as the Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE) Treaty, Intermediate-range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty and the Open Sky Treaty, which were meant to be the supporting structural pillars of regional security, have "collapsed" because the state parties have refused to extend their compliance with the treaties. The Russia-Ukraine war has been exacerbating the regional situation (Hal Brand, Foreign Policy, Summer 2022).
In the East Asia region, North Korea, which quit the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty in 2003, tested nuclear missiles six times from October 2006 to November 2017. North Korea is still at odds with South Korea, Japan and the US.
North Korea’s move to test several types of missiles, including intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBM) in early June was "counterbalanced" a few days later by South Korea (along with the US) with surface-to-surface tactical missiles (ATACMS). This escalated the tensions in the East Asia region (BBC News, 6/6/2022).
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The regional situation became more tense due to the visit of US House of Representatives speaker Nancy Pelosi to Taiwan on 2 Aug., which prompted China to hold military exercises around the Taiwan Strait.
More than 200 military aircraft and more than 50 warships were deployed by China in the exercise (The Washington Post, 8/8/2022). The potential for conflict in the East Asia region has long been quite high revolving over claims by several countries over several islands and maritime territories in the South China Sea.
Naval nuclear propulsion issue
In the Indonesia Paper (NPT/CONF. 2020/WP, 67) and the statement of the Indonesian delegation at the 2022 conference, which was also reported by several media outlets in the first week of August, it was stated that one way of monitoring was through the specially designed IAEA safeguard system. In this regard, Article III of the NPT does require NNWS to allow all nuclear facilities and materials to be inspected by the IAEA. Therefore, logically, the NNP, belonging to the NNWS, should also be able to be monitored under the IAEA safeguard system.
The problem is that this monitoring, if it is to be implemented, will be an inspection on an object that is mobile in the ocean, possibly as part of military operation. In fact, Article III of the NPT stipulates that nuclear facilities and materials belonging to NWS are not subject to IAEA safeguard rules.
Therefore, of course, the NNP belonging to the NWS is not subject to the same rules either. Neither is the NNP belonging to non-nuclear state parties regulated in Article III. Given the Indonesia's submitted proposal that sought to prevent the risk of humanitarian and environmental disasters, all naval nuclear propulsion should be monitored internationally by IAEA regulations (kemlu.go.id/portal/id/read/3942).
The ongoing Russia-Ukraine war has made the security of the European region vulnerable, while the East Asia region is also embroiled in potential conflicts.
In such a situation, the naval nuclear propulsion mobility is most likely to increase. The North-South Korean rivalries, which also involve Japan and the United States, as well as the issues on Taiwan and the South China Sea, all can lead to an escalation in NNP mobility.
At the August UN NPT conference, China, driven by its own interests, raised its concern about Australia – under the AUKUS Treaty – operating naval nuclear propulsion in the form of nuclear-powered submarines. China viewed it as posing potential dangers.
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In the midst of conflicts between major powers in several regions, Indonesia is reminding the world about the increasingly lurking threats on geopolitical and environmental security, especially for maritime countries.
The issue of NNP is related to human safety, military and high-tech dimensions, multifaceted international laws, and multi-national sensitivity. One side sees the need for international control over the NNP, while the other side considers it vital to maintaining international security other countries cannot interference with.
There are concerns about the need to prevent potential humanitarian disasters and uphold the principle of non-discriminatory implementation of international agreements. On the other hand, there are interests in maintaining geopolitical strategy and supremacy. Countries find themselves in either conflicts, alliances or collaboration to find a solution.
The question is, which institution should initiate the policy formulation?
For internal Indonesia, an appropriate policy through synergy of all parties related to naval nuclear propulsion urgently needs to be formulated and implemented immediately. The international forums are awaiting the implementing step the government has initiated through the Indonesian delegation at the last month’s NPT conference.
The question is, which institution should initiate the policy formulation? Is it the Office of the Coordinating Political, Legal and Security Affairs Ministry, the Foreign Ministry, the Defense Ministry, the Indonesian Military (TNI) or the National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN)? Wallahualam.
Sudjadnan Parnohadiningrat,
Chair of the Treaty on Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) 2004; chair of the Main Committee (MC I), NPT 2005, United Nations, New York
This article was translated by Musthofid.