Proclamation of Independence
So, ontologically, Indonesia is not a description of reality, but a prospect of will; not the point of arrival (achievement), but the point of departure (struggle).
To determine where we are going and which route we should take, we must remember where we came from and why we left.
With a little more analysis, we can clarify that Indonesia was never actually colonized. Those that were colonized were the kingdoms in the archipelago, which were gradually integrated with different intensities into the Dutch colonial government unit (private, then state)—with a brief break from colonization by other nations. The name Indonesia itself, as a political entity and a replacement for the Dutch East Indies, was only introduced at the beginning of the 20th century.
Politically aware intellectuals from the children of the islands popularized the term which was originally used in the study of ethnology and anthropology as an effort to find a code of unity and a code of liberation for the colonized from all different origins.
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So, ontologically, Indonesia is not a description of reality, but a prospect of will; not the point of arrival (achievement), but the point of departure (struggle). In the words of Bung Hatta: "For us, Indonesia states a political goal because it symbolizes and aspires to the establishment of a homeland in the future and in order to make it happen, every Indonesian must use their strength and ability."
When the ship of the Republic of Indonesia was launched on Aug. 18, 1945, Indonesia\'s ideals were written in the second paragraph of the Preamble to the Constitution: to become an independent, united, sovereign, just, and prosperous nation. With this perspective, we can see the reality of Indonesia today more realistically. There is no need to be too pessimistic about all the weaknesses and shortcomings because the ideal of Indonesia is not a reality (state of being), but a process of becoming (state of becoming).
We cannot also face with blind optimism, as if everything will go well on the right track, due to the fact that the development of this nation in many aspects lags far behind other countries whose independences were declared within the same time.
The commemoration of the Proclamation of Independence should be a moment of reflection and evaluation. How effectively we can transform the declaration of independence into reality in life. How far we have come in the struggle to realize Indonesia\'s dream.
Struggle for independence
What kind of freedom are we fighting for? Isaiah Berlin formulated two concepts of freedom and independence: “negative freedom” (free from various forms of threats and oppression), “positive freedom” (freedom to develop oneself and one\'s life).
The experience of oppression, discrimination and exploitation deserves to be mourned, opposed and commemorated. However, according to him, “Humans do not live simply to fight evil. They live with a positive purpose, to bring good."
The struggle for independence is not only focused on what can be uprooted and resisted, but also what can be built and offered. The historical project not only maintains, but also improves the state of the country.
After a long period of stifling negative freedom due to clashes between various ideologies and parties and the operation of an authoritarian government that claimed millions of lives, the birth of the Reformation Order causes the proliferation of negative freedom along with the dismantling of various forms of state repression.
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However, new threats emerge from non-state actors. Civil society has proven to be inhomogeneous; in fact it has become a battleground for various ideological groups and opposing interests. Civil society is not only faced with the "state", but also elements of "fanaticism" which are uncivilized.
When this nation has the duty to civilize civil society through civilizing the values of Pancasila, a new burden arises from the decline in the values of civilized political society, marked by a decline in political ethics and political recruitment that ignores the principle of meritocracy. In fact, the deficiency of ethics and meritocracy can pose a new threat to negative freedom from the tendency of revivalism from forms of state repression to cover the crisis of moral legitimacy and state capacity.
In the positive struggle for freedom, the most important achievement to become Indonesia is our ability to forge national unity. With all the weaknesses of state governance, it is amazing how the largest archipelagic country in the world with such a large and diverse population can quickly be integrated into Indonesia, with minimal resistance.
The hard power of the state bureaucracy is indeed quite instrumental in knitting and guarding connectivity in all corners of the archipelago through a network of security apparatus and public services. "Hard" infrastructure development also expands transportation and telecommunication networks that facilitate the process of communication and interaction.
No less important, perhaps even more significant, is the soft power role of cultural networks. With all its diversity and conflicts, inter-island religious networks have become a catalyst for the vertical national integration of all ethnic and regional diversity voluntarily. At the same time, the education and the media also play a major role in teaching and popularizing the use of Indonesian as a unified language.
The weakening factor for national unity can arise from the backwardness in the development of "soft" infrastructure (civility, education, knowledge, health) that hinders the ability of citizens to take valuable actions or achieve valuable conditions. This constraint, when linked with the tendency of exclusivity in access to education, health, employment, capital and social privileges services, can lead to disappointment that can bring back the flow of tribalism with centrifugal motion from the orbit of unity.
The constraints related to the inter-regional tour of duty of government officials can hinder the process of cross-cultural pollination and transfer of knowledge through the recruitment of capable civil servants from a number of regions.
Another obstacle arises from the weakness of state governance in finding the right format for regional autonomy within the framework of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. So far, the design of autonomy still creates faults, both in relations between districts/cities in one province and between provinces. Regionalism can indeed provide an affirmation for the empowerment of regional sons, but it can hinder the social learning process of regional communities. The constraints related to the inter-regional tour of duty of government officials can hinder the process of cross-cultural pollination and transfer of knowledge through the recruitment of capable civil servants from a number of regions.
In addition, the tendency to politicize the bureaucracy by regional heads not only hampers meritocracy, but also makes the region a conflict zone that weakens the values of unity.
Three realms of development
Apart from the issue of unity, the struggle for independence to achieve sovereignty, justice and prosperity is still far from expected. The Covid-19 pandemic helps us identify the strengths and weaknesses of values (mental-cultural), governance (institutional-political) and welfare systems (material-technological) as determinants of resilience and the progress of the nation.
As the virus is a manifestation of natural authenticity that cannot be controlled with bribes and imagery, the virus can find loopholes to enter and attack the nation\'s community indiscriminately, if there are vulnerabilities in these three areas of development.
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In the mental-cultural realm, the positive side emanates from the spirit of gotong royong (mutual cooperation) which still exist in the community. The World Giving Index published by the Charity Aid Foundation has again named Indonesia as the most generous country in the world. The negative side of the ethical decadence of the political world is manifested in the political polarization formed by the elite that continues to flare up in the midst of the pandemic, as well as the behavior of the elite who are less commendable and lack empathy for the people who are suffering from misfortune.
Because the development of these civic character values requires continuous efforts since the formative period and is cultured through daily life practices, the more competent agent to care for them is the community. One of the most influential in the establishment of social values is the religious community. The significance of religion is not limited to its social function as a glue for social integration that can unite diversity in a moral community, but also its psychological function as a lever for the ethos of the soul and a strong motivation.
In the ideals of the Pancasila state, the path to civic nationalism is not taken through the removal of religion from the public sphere, but by civilizing the religious community to be able to enter the civic community in a peaceful and tolerant manner. Religion’s public role is not in the form of formalization of religion in the state, but as a nurse of civilized values in society, within the framework of strengthening public morals (civil religion). Religion does not need to leave its ritual and doctrinal aspects. The emphasis should be given on strengthening ethos and ethics (morals).
Another important agent is the school community. Emile Durkheim views school institutions (especially public schools) as a kind of "house of worship" for inculcating values and doctrines of civil religion. The school\'s mission is not only to teach science and technology, but serve as a vehicle for the formation of good citizens.
When the disruption of technology becomes the normality , everything that cannot be digitized is even more important. Education should pay more attention to things beyond the reach of machines, such as ethics, intuition, emotion and imagination.
Education must provide the capacity so that humans can go beyond the reach of technology and data, by providing human insight and wisdom. With technology, students must be able to find a "home" not plunge them into "exile". For this reason, it is necessary to cultivate a sense of love for the country with the awareness that the movement of progress must start from an appreciation for what we have (bright culture, history, traditions, institutions, potential).
At the same time, the cosmopolitan mentality should be developed with the awareness that the achievement of progress requires openness to good elements from outside.
In the governance of political institutions, the pandemic has exposed various cracks and ineffectiveness in our government system. Disputes arise in the relationship between levels of government and governance practices that are sporadic without systemic mechanisms. The change from the New Order to the Reformation Order did not make the posture and scope of the country slimmer, in fact it became fatter. During the New Order era, the size of the state\'s posture and coverage was relatively balanced by the state\'s capacity to implement government effectively. During the Reformation Order, it is more complicated due to the presence of many veto players and “illegal riders” that hindered the effectiveness of the government.
The shift from an authoritarian-centralistic state to a decentralized-democratic state with the euphoria of individual freedom presented by the Reformation Order was also not accompanied by the fulfillment of the fundamental prerequisites emphasized by classical liberalism thinkers, namely the rule of law, meritocracy and accountability. What happened here is that the rule of law has been pushed aside by rule by law; meritocracy is sidelined by mediocracy; accountability is sidelined by the weakening of corruption eradication institutions.
No political system is perfect. Two benchmarks need to be observed for good governance. First, the movement of progress needs stability support, so don\'t destroy all the pillars of tradition. Edmund Burke denounced the French Revolution, which beheaded the legacy of the past, even though there were good elements that should be preserved. In this regard, fundamental traditions, such as the existence of the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR) as a forum for deliberation of various elements of people\'s power, should be maintained.
Good state governance must be able to balance the roles of the state, market and community.
Second, the process of progress also requires continuous adjustment efforts along with the times. As reminded by John Micklethwait and Adrian Wooldrige, the countries in the world are now in the middle of a race to reinvent (governance) in order to respond to developments in globalization, technological disruption and global competition. Good state governance must be able to balance the roles of the state, market and community.
In the welfare system, the pandemic shows the weakness of our country in two ways. First, the widening gap due to the lack of the principle of justice in the distribution of wealth, opportunities and social privileges. In fact, as Richard Wilkinson and Kate Picket remind that injustice and flattery are not only bad for the poor, but also dangerous for the rich because they can trigger social polarization, jealousy, and prejudice, diminishing mutual trust. In the end, it can spread to the yield of development achievements.
Second, Indonesia, with its abundant natural resources is not able to fulfill its basic needs in a sovereign manner. Dependence on imports must be ended because it makes us lose the vehicle in promoting learning capabilities to process and develop the added value of natural resources. We must develop independence with an independent spirit.
It must be ensured that what is going on this country is not only “development in Indonesia”, but also “development of Indonesia”. It would be unfortunate if in the story of their own nation, it was other nations who became the main actors. Whenever we commemorate the Day of the Proclamation of Independence, we should remember Bung Karno\'s message, "A nation that does not believe in its own strength cannot stand as an independent nation."
Yudi Latif, Member of the Indonesian Academy of Sciences
(This article was translated by Hendarsyah Tarmizi).