Reducing Armed Conflicts in Papua

Early in 2021 in the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic that has yet to subside, armed conflicts in Cenderawasih, Papua, continue to escalate and show no signs of abating.

Conflicts involving the Indonesian Military and the National Police (TNI / Polri), and members of the National Liberation Army of West Papua (TPNPB) continue in three main areas in Central Highlands namely Nduga, Intan Jaya and Puncak. The conflicts have continued to escalate since the middle of last year, especially in Intan Jaya. Amnesty International reported 53 cases of extrajudicial killings and a total of 103 people were killed during 2018-2020.

This February, three civilians and three members of the TNI became the victims of conflicts in Intan Jaya and Puncak. Thousands of Intan Jaya residents, including those in neighboring regencies, such as Nabire, Timika and Puncak, fled. With the strength of the security approach and the offer to hold dialogue that has not yet received a response from the central government, one key question remains: how to reduce the escalation of conflicts in Intan Jaya?

Counter-insurgency operations are still the main method of handling conflicts in Indonesia. Since the formation of the Joint Regional Defense Command (Kogabwilhan) III, which is temporarily headquartered in Biak, the counter-insurgency operations have focused on quick responses and part of the three TNI agendas (integrated command) through the deployment of a number of combat troops and capable equipment.

A number of task forces for security in vulnerable areas, border areas and territories were deployed alternately in a number of areas of the Central Mountains. However, there is a major drawback to this approach, namely a lack of understanding of the social and cultural condition of the local community. In fact, the effectiveness of counter-insurgency operations largely depends on the ability to win the hearts of locals.

This can be seen from the attitude of the security forces. They intimidate and commit violence against locals who are considered to be members of the TPNPB based only on their physical appearance (racial profiling) without being based on strong evidence.

On the other hand, civil society in Papua continues to call for dialogue as a solution to end the conflicts. Slogans such as "Dialogue Does Not Kill Anyone", "Papua is a Land of Peace", or "Papua Is Not an Empty Land", continues to be echoed in the hope that the conflicting parties can sit together to seek a dignified resolution of the conflicts.

The ideas and mechanisms for dialogue have been proposed since early 2000s, but they have not received a positive response from the conflicting parties.

A number of church leaders, as well as non-governmental organizations, and youth and student organizations in Papua continue to campaign for a peaceful way to resolve conflicts. The ideas and mechanisms for dialogue have been proposed since early 2000s, but they have not received a positive response from the conflicting parties.

A few steps

Given the difficulty of achieving a middle ground between the two approaches above, a number of steps need to be considered to reduce the impact of the conflicts, particularly on regions and local communities.

First, the status of the conflicts must be made clear, whether it is civil emergency, military emergency, or a combat zone.

Reflecting on the armed conflicts in Nduga, the unclear status of the conflicts has made the activities of the government and public services in Intan Jaya not optimal. Several districts, such as Sugapa and Hitadipta, became battle zones for the military and TPNPB guerrillas. As a result, the majority of the people fled the two districts.

A number of schools and health facilities are also reported to have been used as temporary posts for security forces.

JURNASYANTO SUKARNO/GREENPEACE

Captain Hettie Geenen and other crew members dance together Papuan dancers during a welcoming ceremony of the Rainbow Warrior ship at Manokwari port, West Papua. The Greenpeace ship is in West Papua as part of her Indonesia ship tour which will last until May 2018.

With the unclear status of the armed conflicts, activities of the apparatus and the TPNPB members are immeasurable. Each tends to claim civil society as part or sympathizer of one of the parties and consider them as combatants who need to be prosecuted. The existence of a clear conflict status will provide a complete picture of the chain of responsibility, policy coordination, and the law of war between the parties involved.

Second, it requires good coordination between the local government and elements of civil society in the Central Highlands region. In addition, local volunteer groups are also needed to handle refugees in a number of places in Intan Jaya.

So far, the church is still the main backbone even though the availability of logistics is very limited.

Based on the experience in handling local refugees in Nduga, the victims need assistance with food, health, trauma recovery, and proper housing, especially for children and women. So far, the church is still the main backbone even though the availability of logistics is very limited.

Refugees\' trust in the church can be used as a gateway to distribute aid in the early stages of handling refugees. Humanitarian works which are transparent and well-coordinated will greatly assist refugees who are forced to live in dire conditions due to conflicts.

Revision of the Special Autonomy Law

Third, the revision of the Special Autonomy Law must cover the resolution of armed conflicts in Papua. So far, the limited revision of special autonomy, which was initiated by the central government and which was rejected by a number of parties in Papua, is only focused on the expansion of the new autonomous regions and the addition of special autonomy funds to the two provinces in Papua.

KOMPAS/TOTOK WIJAYANTO

Former state minister of accelerated development for eastern Indonesia Manuel Kaisiepo (left) speaks during the "Analyzing the Root Problem and Present Condition of Papua" discussion, hosted on Thursday (5/9/2019) by the Kompas daily at its editorial offices in Jakarta. The event, which discussed alternative approaches for the government to open a dialogue with the Papuan people, also involved fellow speakers former House of Representatives member Simon Patrick Morin from Papua (right) and National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) commissioner Amiruddin (center).

The existing special autonomy framework does not regulate matters related to the handling of armed conflicts in Papua, both during and after the conflicts. Dialogue mechanisms, coordination between central and regional government agencies, and preventive measures as well as recovery procedures for regions and communities should be regulated in the limited revision of special autonomy. An inclusive process and a substantive agenda with a number of related parties in Papua, particularly pro-independence groups, will serve as a progressive step towards conflict resolution.

Our recent research (Barter & Wangge, 2021) shows that the institutional design of autonomy, such as the addition of new regions and funds, will not have a positive impact if the discussion on special autonomy only involves like-minded parties and the discussion does not address the superficial agenda which becomes the point of difference between the conflicting parties.

Armed conflict in the Central Highlands region of Papua has been going on for decades and has escalated again in the last three years. If a comprehensive solution is difficult to materialize, at least steps to reduce the escalation of armed conflict can be carried out in the spirit of togetherness for humanity.

ARSIP PRIBADI

Hipolitus Wangge

Hipolitus Wangge, researcher at the Australian National University and Member of the Nduga Humanitarian Team.

(This article was translated by Hendarsyah Tarmizi)