Maintaining Academic Freedom
The tendency is the campuses in Indonesia are increasingly politicized by power. The attacks on civitas academica (members of the university) and academic activities are left without accountability.
Our institution must always be a safe haven where all questions can be asked and answered freely.-- Carel Stolker, 2018
The editorial of Kompas (9/12/2020) raised the topic "Respect the Academic Podium". True, the reality in the last five years, 2015-2020, shows the attacks on campuses and academics have continued and increased.
The tendency is the campuses in Indonesia are increasingly politicized by power. The attacks on civitas academica (members of the university) and academic activities are left without accountability. In fact, there are also lecturers who were threatened with death just for developing learning methods.
On the other hand, the campuses are busy with their effort to go global for the sake of ranking. Not infrequently, campuses justify any means to pay high rates for predatory journals due to the pressure of "scopusization", a term for the Scopus indexed journal. Dishonesty has become a common practice and it is demonstrated and institutionalized without hesitation and a sense of shame. In fact, many universities give out honoris causa awards to politicians with a hope that the campus elites can take political economy advantage.
Unfortunately, the Education and Culture Ministry (Kemendikbud), including the Higher Education Directorate General (Ditjen Dikti), seems to ignore this phenomenon.
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The "Freedom Campus” idea introduced by Nadiem Makarim, the Education and Culture Minister, seemed to bring winds of change to the world of higher education. To what extent does this idea provide space for academic freedom while at the same time restoring the function of the campus as a scientific production space for policy or public benefit?
Denial
In a study by Inaya Rakhmani and Zulfa Sakhiyya (2019), it is stated that policy making in Indonesia is often not supported by quality research and academic freedom. Campus research is easily subordinated to economic interests and power politics. Of course this is not new because a collection of writings edited by Vedi Hadiz and Daniel Dhakidae (2006) shows that there is a control of power over social science.
Jokowi and his subordinates initially underestimated the dangers of the Covid-19 pandemic even though epidemiologists, public health experts, medical experts and virologists had informed them.
Based on reports submitted to the Indonesian Caucus for Academic Freedom (KIKA), this does not only happen in social science. Disciplinary research and scientific processes also occur in the field of exact sciences, such as public health, forestry, geology and disaster. Jokowi and his subordinates initially underestimated the dangers of the Covid-19 pandemic even though epidemiologists, public health experts, medical experts and virologists had informed them.
The policy of giving incentives to tourists, the statement that Indonesians are immune to Covid-19 because they eat nasi kucing (cheap sidewalk food) and the state palace\'s promotion for traditional drinks (to counter the coronavirus) stirred disinformation among the public, as well as anti-science.
On the other hand, when University of Indonesia (UI) epidemiologist Pandu Riono took a critical look at the result of a Covid-19 drug research by Airlangga University, the State Intelligence Agency (BIN) and the Indonesian Army, he received a backlash in the form of hacking of his social media accounts. In an anti-science power structure, science is only a political accessory. Meanwhile, intellectuals in the bureaucracy maneuver to defend the power by denying science.
Bastion of liberty
The quote from Carel Stolker, rector of Leiden University, emphasized that the campus should be a bastion of liberty (bastion libertatis).
Intellectuals, even though antagonistic and under the same roof, have the potential to cause controversy. But therein is the direction to generate a new spark of knowledge. According to Stolker, this is a tradition that the university should uphold.
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Legally, academic freedom is fortified by legal instruments in the form of human rights, either Article 13 of the Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (Ekosob) or Article 19 of the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (Sipol). The general view of the Committee on the Economic, Social and Social Rights No. 13, on the Right to Education (Article 13) emphasizes that the protection doctrine includes two elements.
Therefore, the cases that befell Dr Saiful Mahdi at Syiah Kuala University in Banda Aceh or Dr Ramsiah Ahmad at UIN Alauddin Makassar should be dismissed.
First, elements as academics, both individually and collectively. The academic community has freedom of opinion, expression, including criticism of their own institutions. Therefore, the cases that befell Dr Saiful Mahdi at Syiah Kuala University in Banda Aceh or Dr Ramsiah Ahmad at UIN Alauddin Makassar should be dismissed.
Likewise, the case of student Frans Napitu who reported alleged corruption by the rector of Semarang State University. He should not be repressed by imposing suspension using fake arguments, such as his involvement in the anti-racism movement in Papua.
Second, the element of campus autonomy. Academic freedom must be accompanied with a guarantee that the campus can carry out institutional independence to facilitate the effectiveness of decision making. This is followed by public accountability, especially if the campus uses state funds.
Academic integrity and culture must be upheld. State bureaucracy must
not interfere too far, let alone have power over who will get high-rank positions at the campus. In essence, the campus cannot be an extension of the authorities. Plagiarism or counterfeiting is clearly not an academic culture so that peer review (collegial review by experts) is given a stronger space to create a climate of academic freedom on campus.
These two elements are the bastions of freedom that must be guarded, not only by the academic community, but also by the campus management, government, or the wider public.
Freedom
Attacks on academic freedom are parallel with the decline in the space for civil liberties which today is not only happening in Indonesia, but also a global phenomenon. This is in line with the strengthening of power authoritarianism.
In KIKA\'s record (2020), there are seven attack trends. First, cyber attacks on academic activity (digital violence). Second, subordination of campuses or research institutions by state authorities. A circular from the Higher Education Director General (1035 / E / KM / 2020) prohibiting demonstrations against the Job Creation Law is an example of this.
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Third, pressure on the student publication. Fourth, criminalization under the pretext of defamation or counterclaim. Fifth, silencing Papuan social solidarity. Sixth, the escalation of arrests/detentions in the demonstrations against the Job Creation Law. Seventh, the suspension of lecturers or students for baseless reasons. National interests are often used as a pretext by the state to suppress freedom of expression, including academics.
Unfortunately, the policy regarding "Freedom Campus" did not touch the basic elements of academic freedom as a prerequisite for the development of higher education institutions.
That is why the "Freedom Campus" should not only touch the institutional/structural aspects of the higher education policy, but rather should free the academic members and the campuses in building a stronger research ecosystem and freedom of scientific development.
Hopefully the government today will turn direction and stop the anti-science regime, which has distanced itself from the purpose of educating the nation as well as the obligation to respect and protect and ensure steps to ensure academic freedom.
Herlambang P. Wiratraman, Chairman of the Indonesian Caucus for Academic Freedom and Lecturer at the Faculty of Law, Airlangga University