In recent years, many political scientists and democracy experts have become increasingly concerned about regression in democracy globally.
By
Azyumardi Azra
·5 minutes read
In recent years, many political scientists and democracy experts have become increasingly concerned about regression in democracy globally. More and more countries – both those with established democracies and those with relatively new democratic systems – are becoming illiberal or practicing flawed democracy.
This phenomenon is assailing hope in the future of democracy, hopes that were high when a wave of democratization swept the world in the last decades of the 20th century to replace authoritarian regimes.
Francis Fukuyama called the expansion of Western liberal democracy the final political system and form of government. He called the spread of democracy "the end of history" – the end of undemocratic political history.
Many new countries emerged from the wave of democracy. Liberalization and democratization resulted in the disintegration of the Soviet Union (1988-1991), Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia (1989-1993).
Indonesia has survived the pandemic of disintegration amid the exploitation of democracy.
Indonesia, which was hit by the same democratic wave in 1998, survived Balkanization and adopted liberal democracy in 1999. Indonesia has survived the pandemic of disintegration amid the exploitation of democracy.
A wave of democracy called the "Arab Spring" also hit a number of Arab countries (2010-2012). Today, only Tunisia is left with hope for democracy. Libya, Yemen and Syria fell into civil war. In Egypt, authoritarianism returned as General Abdel Fatah el-Sisi took power in 2014.
This phenomenon shows the return of authoritarianism. Furthermore, more and more state governments outwardly embrace democracy but make policies and take steps that demonstrate a tendency toward authoritarianism.
Authoritarianism seems more attractive to political elites in countries that are actually democratic. In their view, democratic systems are ineffective and inefficient. They also take a long time to reach decisions.
Therefore, certain ruling regimes and political elites that are pragmatic and obsessive about certain programs have chosen to take a shortcut via authoritarianism.
Researchers Maria J Stephan and Timothy Snyder warned the public about the rise of authoritarianism. In Authoritarianism is Making a Come Back: Here is the Time-Tested Way to Defeat It (2017), they also criticized supporters of democracy who took the system for granted, noting they were “disarmed” by authoritarian regimes.
As authoritarianism rises in a number of countries, Stephan and Snyder\'s suggestions are even more relevant: "This is the time for activists and those who support democracy around the world to sacrifice and pay the costs to win back democracy."
However, the challenges are now getting tougher. The COVID-19 pandemic has provided an opportunity for rulers to abandon democracy. In the midst of the pandemic, the ruling regimes in many countries have imposed "strict restrictions" (lockdowns) on citizens without asking for consideration. However, it is not only people who are affected by the lockdown. Freedom House, Washington DC, released a special report in 2020 called Democracy under Lockdown.
Freedom House researchers have found that democracy is getting weaker in about 80 countries. The situation is worst in countries that are still struggling for democracy, especially in repressive authoritarian countries.
International IDEA Stockholm and the National Endowment for Democracy, Washington DC, have also emphasized that COVID-19 is threatening democracy. Through these two institutions, 500 world leaders signed an open letter defending democracy.
Governments enact authoritarianism by limiting human rights, putting hidden controls in place and ignoring checks and balances.
They stated, "Freedom is under the threat of authoritarian regimes using the [COVID-19] crisis to strengthen their grip on power". Governments enact authoritarianism by limiting human rights, putting hidden controls in place and ignoring checks and balances.
Furthermore, authoritarian ruling regimes have committed abuses of power. Civil societies fighting for democracy have been rendered impotent.
Using Stephan and Snyder\'s framework, contemporary authoritarianism, including the instances established during COVID-19 pandemic, consists of a number of political praxes.
First, during the consolidation of authoritarian power, the ruling regime uses repression, intimidation, coercion, co-opting and corruption. This way, the regime ensures there is no opposition and criticism.
Second, these regimes deploy the old tactics of silencing their enemies, including by attacking or discrediting journalists, accusing critics of being the puppets of certain actors, accusing critics of being paid by certain parties and using paramilitary groups or community security forces to counter opposition.
Though the mass use of social media, authoritarian regimes intensify their campaigns by employing buzzers. In addition, they also infiltrate and expose personal data (doxing) and hijack devices.
Indonesian political observers have, for quite a long time, discussed the decline of democracy in this country. At the same time, as stated by The Economist (17/10/2020), Indonesia “is lurching back to authoritarianism”.
In facing the rise of authoritarianism, what should be done? Civil society can use peaceful means to make authoritarian regimes less powerful by continuing consolidation, sending joint petitions, staging peaceful rallies or holding boycotts, among other techniques.
AZYUMARDI AZRA, History Professor at Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University (UIN Jakarta)