The Beja Order
The Beja Order, which is still disorganized today, should be interpreted as a continuous process towards a proper democratic culture; one that always aims to honor humanity and creates warm spaces of tolerance.
Every May, when people ask about the supposedly positive outcomes of the reform, various answers will emerge ranging from normative, pessimistic, overlapping complexity and acrobatic contortions of the truth, to answers full of irony and humor.
Some say the 1998 Reform was like the fate of a former Indonesian Military (TNI) commander Gen. (ret.) Gatot Nurmantyo, nicknamed Gagal Total, meaning a complete failure. Some say it resembled a person running in place, while others say it was a change of players but the story remained the same. The players may have changed but their character remained the same: equally corrupt and greedy. The country was still controlled by an oligarchic network, so anyone who wanted to reap the benefits and wealth of this nation must raise the shield of corruption, collusion and nepotism. People often liken Indonesia to a donkey that enjoys falling into the same hole.
Fiddling with the “orde” terminology, labeling Sukarno's era as the Old Order and Soeharto's as the New Order, which confuses us about the label of the period after the 1998 Reform. Some want to honor civil society and label it the Civil Order because of the national leadership strength. Five presidents after 1998, four of whom have no military background, have successfully removed military domination.
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It is time for civil society to wield power, and for the military to return to the barracks and focus solely on safeguarding the country's sovereignty. No longer should they have dual function roles, simultaneously serving as bureaucrats, politicians, regents, mayors, governors, traders, brokers, or official thugs. The Civil Order is actually an appropriate label.
The problem is that this label is vulnerable to attacks from political opponents and can be twisted into a Civilist Order. Perhaps, cynically, one could also label it the Corrupt Order, given the rampant corruption in various sectors.
Corruption seems to occur fairly and evenly. If in the past it was centralized, controlled by godfathers, the root of corruption now resides in the centers of power, after the reform that resulted in regional autonomy, and it is now rampant even in the smallest regions of Indonesia.
From bureaucrats, police officers, politicians, regional heads, tax and excise officials, law enforcers, and even ministers. To avoid generalizations, let's just call these corrupt individuals "misconducts." There is more than one of them.
In the name of freedom of expression, we are free to list various labels for this new era: the Free Order, the Oligarchic Order, the Plonga-Plongo Order, the Radical Order, the People's United Order or the Queen Order (RaTu Order), the Comedy Order, and so on.
Encouraging millennials
Reflecting on a quarter of a century since the 1998 Reform, and monitoring the chatter on social media, it is hard not to taste the bitter cynicism. However, among the pessimistic and despairing responses, there were those who felt like a refreshing sip of syrup in the middle of Ramadan. It is a moment of fleeting relief. It instills a flicker of hope and optimism.
I am also tempted to reflect and bear witness; to contemplate the journey of history and compare it with the previous era, a time that was overthrown by the power of "the united people cannot be defeated." This is a kind of testimony, witnessing change after change. A testimony that is full of gratitude, hopefulness and a strong belief that the 1998 Reform was not all for naught.
This testimony is primarily intended to enlighten the millennial generation who were born in 1998 and may have misconceptions about the New Order era, which was portrayed as a time when an old man in a truck waves his hand and asks, Piye, penak jamanku ta? (How is it? Is it better in my era?).
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They need to understand how it could be considered penak (better) when human life was valued so cheaply that it could be taken at any time without due process. Those who disagreed with the government and state institutions could easily be accused of being a communist and thrown into a “prison hotel” called jail.
Critically minded students and social activists before the reform could turn beautiful roses into instruments of savage violence when Rose became the name of a team whose job was to kidnap, torture and make people disappear, supposedly by drowning them in the open sea. Some are still missing today, while generals who were part of the Rose team can now proudly run for office.
Ironically, some of the victims of the Rose kidnapping team were actually afflicted with Stockholm syndrome and became figures in the political party led by the general.
So, dear millennial generation, be grateful that today you can breathe the air of freedom, think freely, and be able to speak up and express yourself.
We remember how every sector of life was full of absurdity, full of drama and foolishness. From the economy, politics, society, law, culture and even the smallest corners of life in this country, everything was monitored and controlled by the state.
If citizens were asked to write a testimony about the absurdity of the New Order, just one or two paragraphs would not be enough to fill the entire newspaper column. If it were compiled into a book, it would span multiple volumes. If it were serialized as a TV series, it could produce thousands of episodes that depict life full of irony, tragedy and comedy.
So, dear millennial generation, be grateful that today you can breathe the air of freedom, think freely, and be able to speak up and express yourself.
It is undeniable that all of this is the result of the 1998 Reform. We know that new institutions were established: the General Elections Commission (KPU), the Business Competition Supervisory Commission (KPPU), the General Elections Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu), the Constitutional Court (MK), the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), the Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis Centre (PPATK), the Prosecutor's Commission, the Police Commission, the Ombudsman in all regions, institutions for the protection of witnesses, children and women, the birth of senators in the Regional Representative Council (DPD), and more.
All of these were established as a system of control to prevent power from being consolidated in one hand, so that leaders could no longer act with absolute power and politicians could not just play a game of political theater.
Perhaps this is a transitional period toward a country with an ideal democratic order. We may still be stumbling, constantly learning and willing to correct mistakes. Is it not true that we now have the MK that opens its doors as widely as possible for judicial review, so that the crooked law can be straightened out and justice can be truly present?
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Therefore, it feels more fitting to label this period the Disorderly Order. It is a fortunate era. We are very lucky that the new institutions born out of the 1998 Reform can curb the primitive desires that tend to justify greed for power.
Recently, when there were talks of extending the presidential term for another period, the agreed-upon constitution as a guide for democracy could not be shaken. Beja ana reformasi, yen nra ana njuk gek kepiye? (If there had been no reform, what would have happened?) Fortunately, there was a reform at that time. If not, what would have happened to us?
The power of netizens
Today, a president is no longer ngidu geni or above the law; their spit is like fire. Leaders operate within a constitution full of rules and regulations. Members of the legislature, even though many are only interested in personal gain and be addressed as honorable, possess critical thinking skills and are ready to blow the whistle at any sign of violation.
Law enforcement and the KPK do not hesitate to imprison corrupt officials who steal from the state budget, even if they still hold official positions. In the past, such a thing was impossible, as the late comedian Asmuni from Srimulat would say “Hilyang mustahal” (something impossible to happen). If it can happen today, it would not be wrong to label it the Beja Order.
It can be said that whenever former president Soeharto wrote or spoke, whether in an official speech or an interview, the officials under him, who were usually military personnel who were practicing a dual function, would compete to interpret and translate what was meant.
They took the initiative to take action to please the Father of Development, even if it sometimes violated the constitution. In the era of oppression where the people were kept happy with subsidized fuel and basic necessities, what is known as the constitution seemed to bow down to the barrel of a gun. Rules and legal systems were ignored.
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The power of netizens, which is now felt as a part of the control system, was silenced at that time. The press, considered a pillar of democracy, was controlled through a culture of phone calls. Whenever a fact was categorized as hot news, the editorial offices of newspapers and magazines would be busy with phone calls from the Departemen Penerangan (Information Department) media outlets that were defiant, and those who did not submit would ultimately be shut down. They would either become lifeless or disappear forever.
Only journalists with the Indonesian Journalist Association (PWI) membership card were allowed to write the news. Even then, they had to have a certificate showing they had passed the Pancasila training exam, and their ancestry was investigated for cleanliness and purity, as if a person's blood (DNA) could carry an ideology (leftist) with it.
In conclusion, the New Order was a type of paranoid order. Its leaders lived in fear. In their view, sane and educated people, intellectuals, artists, philosophers, religious leaders, social activists and the like were "enemies" who should be suspected of plotting a coup. They had to be watched out for, and if necessary, beaten. One of the most ridiculous beatings was when a person selling and reading literature could be imprisoned (in Wirogunan Yogyakarta and Nusakambangan) for eight years.
Oh dear millennials, you might be confused today in trying to understand the absurdity of the past. It is because selling, reading and discussing Pramoedya Ananta Toer's literary work Bumi Manusia, which has now even been adapted into a movie, could lead to individuals like Bambang Isti Nugroho and Bambang Subono having their future taken away from them.
If today's millennials are free to express their thoughts on social media or mainstream media, and are free to read any book they desire without fear of censorship, is it not great? The era of Beja Order was quite something, was it not?
Correcting the constitution
In the imagination of a regime that can only communicate through bursts of gunfire, literary texts - whether it be poetry, theater performances, or conversations in student and intellectual discussion forums, essays in bulletins, newspapers and magazines are thought to be able to easily overthrow the government.
Therefore, any art exhibitions, performances and discussions must obtain permits that wind through 13 recommendation tables, from the Home Ministry, the Education, Culture, Research and Technology Ministry, the police, the military, and special institutions created by the regime such as Regional Social Order and Security Agency (Laksusda) and Security and Order Operational Command (Kopkamtib).
However, the Beja Order, which is still disorganized today, should be interpreted as a continuous process towards a proper democratic culture; one that always aims to honor humanity, respects each other and creates warm spaces of tolerance.
“Indonesia will only have a true and proper democracy when its head of state is of Chinese descent and not of the majority religion.
Of course, there will still be many stumbling blocks. Hopefully, we will never tire of correcting the constitution, especially if the rules and constitutional order are no longer able to accommodate the changing demands of this dynamic era.
So, when will true democracy be realized in Indonesia? Maybe in 50 years or a century, when the quality of education for all the people of this country is already equal and no longer imbalanced, when even ordinary people can distinguish between political identity and identity politics with a clear heart. They know the exact difference between honey and poison.
As in mature democracies, which is certainly due to the intelligence and knowledge of their citizens, even minorities can be trusted to lead the country. Who knows when this will happen in Indonesia?
It may take two centuries. When asked this question, I always joke, “Indonesia will only have a true and proper democracy when its head of state is of Chinese descent and not of the majority religion.”
Butet Kartaredjasa
Butet Kartaredjasa, Actor
This article was translated by Tenggara Strategics
Note:
● The word beja comes from the Javanese language and has several meanings, including:
- Messy, disorganized, or in a state of chaos.
- Disorganized in administrative or organizational matters.
- Lacking skill or being untrained in doing something.
- Inexperienced or not mature enough in their actions or thinking.
In the context of writing or speaking, the word beja is often used to describe situations or conditions that are disorganized or chaotic, especially in terms of governance, organization, or administration.
● "Ngidu geni" is a Javanese phrase that literally translates to "putting out the fire" or "extinguishing the fire". In a broader context, the phrase can mean to overcome or resolve a problem or conflict.
● Departemen Penerangan was a government agency in Indonesia responsible for handling public relations, media, and propaganda during the New Order era, which lasted from 1966 to 1998. It was merged with the Ministry of Information in 1999 to form the Ministry of Communication and Information.
