The Paralyzed Pancasila Ideology

At first glance, this article may portray a pessimistic view of the journey of the beloved nation and state of Indonesia.

It can interpreted, although the reverse aim is true, which is intended to make Pancasila with its noble philosophical and theoretical values – as undoubtedly the best findings of the nation’s founders under the guidance of Bung Karno – no longer neglected in the hands of citizens who are unwilling to learn. In this context, it is important to look back on May and June in our collective memory. We will then examine whether the journey of the nation and state remains on the right path, the path of Pancasila.

On 28 May 1945, still under Japanese rule, the first meeting of the Investigating Committee for Preparatory Work for Independence (BPUPK), which originally without I (of Indonesia), started. BPUPK members were installed by Lieutenant General Yuichiro Nagano, Japan’s XVIth Military Commander assigned to Indonesia as of 26 April 1945, replacing Lieut. Gen. Kumakichi Harada.

We certainly needn’t be embarrassed to mention that the committee members were appointed by foreign authorities because in fact at the time Japan was in power to continue the rule of Dutch colonizers that were driven out in March 1942. In the debates at BPUPK sessions, there was still the “odor” of Japan. However, in the speech of Soekarno expounding Pancasila on 1 June 1945, in my perception, the Japanese “odor” was no longer smelled. Soekarno and Hatta had once cooperated with Japanese authorities solely due to historical necessity. In this way, the contemptuous remarks that the two were the "pets of Japan" were not fact, but rather were uncontrolled comments of hatred.

Pancasila’s fate: political show window

With the brief historical background, let us further focus our attention on the fate of Pancasila in its 18 August 1945 formulation as we have inherited today. The formulation came from the Jakarta Charter, 22 June 1945, with the omission of seven words that formed the first principle. Except for splinter groups, nobody has any doubt that Pancasila is the best choice and decision as the main guideline to direct the journey of the nation and state for an unlimited period of time.

The question is: has Pancasila since the Proclamation of 1945 passed the test of history? The answer turns out to be opposites: yes and no. Yes, if linked with the constitution and basic legislation that always make Pancasila their pillar. The entire Indonesian constitution is based on Pancasila. So, the position of Pancasila is constitutionally quite solid and secure.

Also read:

> Pancasila Emergency

> De-ideologizing Anti-Pancasila Movement

Nonetheless, in terms of the implementation of its noble values in state politics and national development strategy, Pancasila is frequently left helpless, although in the introduction to the National Development Plan this state ideology is always mentioned.

In the early New Order period in 1966, the slogan that was repeated all the time was: the implementation of Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution (UUD 1945) in a genuine and consistent way. It was theoretically correct, but in praxis Pancasila only function as a show window. This phenomenon has not changed much yet up to the present. As a concrete example, Article 33 of UUD 1945 and the movement of cooperatives as a form of its implementation in the nation’s economy have been left frail and the state has never lamented it.

Moreover, the performance of political parties almost has nothing to do with Pancasila, except in verbal form. My conclusion so far: we do not seriously manage the nation and state if Pancasila as the state philosophical basis is used as the main parameter. I repeat, Pancasila is only positioned as a political show window. The behavior of some authorities, entrepreneurs, politicians and probably religious figures has openly betrayed the values of Pancasila in their deeds.

I’m really worried, with the approaching 100th Indonesian independence anniversary in 2045, will Pancasila still be left paralyzed, powerless, as experienced since the proclamation? Indonesia’s modern history reveals this fact. Everything is related to Pancasila and UUD 1945.

In the era of Guided Democracy (DT), 1959-1966, there was the massive movement of Seven Basic Indoctrinations (Tubapi) with its Manipol-Usdek (Political Manifesto) all over Indonesia. The roofs of offices, schools and houses were painted white words, Manipol-Usdek. Upgrading courses were held everywhere with high enthusiasm. The Jakarta-Peking-Pyongyang axis were the national mantra. Indonesia’s free and active foreign policy principle was overwhelmed because of the obvious partiality toward one bloc.

We are all aware of its ending: national catastrophe. Doesn’t this bitter experience make the national deterred and willing to learn? Pancasila and UUD 1945 collapsed in the bloody tragedy. Tubapi only lasted for six years, only to disappear along with the regime change. The nation and state were then shaky, as if gasping for breath. National political division was at its most worrying boiling point. In the DT period, national founders were split, some of them sided with the palace and others were sent to prison.

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There was even one who died overseas while under medical treatment as a political detainee. Later, he was declared a national hero based on Presidential Decree No.76/1966 dated 9 April 1966, exactly on the day of his demise.

What’s this all about? How clever of us to have manipulated human lives. It was a national tragedy that remains well recorded in the modern history of Indonesia. Indonesia that is based on Pancasila! Pancasila that is glorified in words, betrayed in deeds.

The era changed, so did its rulers, all being indigenous Indonesians. The nation and state, thank God, still survived, despite wobbling and being laden with mounting foreign debts. It began in 1966, ending in 1998. Quite a long time, for 32 years, Indonesia was under the New Order (Orba), commanded by an Army general, an ex-soldier of Pembela Tanah Air (Homeland Defenders) formed by the Japanese. With its slogan “implementing Pancasila and UUD 1945 in a genuine and consistent way”, Orba was widely supported by the public. It was hoped that under the new system, Pancasila would truly become the main guideline of public administration.

Orba was set up on the ruin of DT that was fragile and didn’t last long. The system of democracy promoted by Orba was called Pancasila democracy that theoretically was the genuine and consistent implementation of Pancasila and UUD 1945. Theory and practice were dissimilar, though. From the early 1970s, gradually Orba was killing democracy in the name of Pancasila and UUD 1945. What is known in the theory of democracy as the principle of checks and balances, was absent during the Orba era. Everything was determined by single leadership.

The culture of asal bapak senang (ABS/pleasing the boss) was really commonplace. The fourth principle of Pancasila, “Democracy guided by the inner wisdom in the unanimity arising out of deliberations among representatives” was in a coma under the power of Orba. Bung Hatta as a patriot fighting for freedom, an independence proclaimer and true democrat was not appreciated by the Orba system until his demise on 14 March 1980.

Indeed, in the first years of Orba, public optimism was very much felt. Yet unfortunately it was short-lived, fading slowly but definitely. An Army elite split began to arise, gradually worsening, following the division among national founders in the newly ended era. I can talk in detail about this, but it’s purposely covered up. The Orba system, despite its continued existence until 1998, had begun to crumble since the early 1970s.

Some Orba pioneers were removed without wise considerations and others were imprisoned. While at the end of the previous era the income per capita was only US$70, the Orba policy started improving the figures through five-year plans, surely with foreign loans. In 1997, the income per capita rose to US$1,100, which was quite a big increase. The performance was also considerably supported by the oil price hike in 1973-1983. Oil greatly helped the authoritarian Orba regime to last long.

National development was managed by the group dubbed the “Berkeley Mafia” under Prof Dr Widjojo Nitisastro. This group was the prime architect of Orba’s national economic development.

Shield of rulers

Starting in 1979, the Movement of Pancasila Comprehension and Implementation Guideline (P4) was launched through upgrading courses for civil servants (PNS) and other members of the public. As a PNS in 1984 I was obligated to join the course. Almost every day I had a debate with P4 instructors because I felt it wasn’t much different from the Tubapi indoctrinations I had ever received while I was a student.

The P4 material with is descriptions was good enough to serve as a guideline for the public, nation and state. Sadly, the P4 movement had the disguised aim of perpetuating the continuity of the Orba regime like its DT counterpart, in the sense of imposing the sole interpretation of truth of Pancasila according to the rulers’ version.

The P4 upgrading lasted for 19 years until the fall of Orba in 1998, triggered by the East Asia monetary crisis of 1997. The economic foundation of Orba claimed to be strong turned out to be vulnerable and shaken. Orba rulers had no choice except submitting to the intention of the IMF and World Bank. With the collapse of the Orba regime, for the second time the fate of Pancasila was at stake. The P4 movement as part of the regime also turned into a fiasco.

Even more worrying was the emergence of an anti-Pancasila feeling, something that was very dangerous. It was the risk of making Pancasila a shield of those in power, while its noble values were suppressed under state political actions. The wounds of Orba haven’t yet recovered to date. The nation and state remain burdened with debts that weaken the principle of Tri Sakti: sovereign in politics, independent in the economy and maintaining national identity in culture.

Since the middle of 1998, Indonesia has entered the era of Reform, which in theory promotes the slogan of anti-corruption, collusion and nepotism (KKN). Now we are already in the middle of 2021. The Reform movement is 23 years old and has presented six presidents.

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Has the KKN been eliminated? The answer: it’s even thriving. Where is Pancasila? For the umpteenth time it remains a political show window. Pancasila is powerless in the face of the KKN that undermines the nation’s cultural foundation.

In 2017, as the fate of Pancasila was getting uncertain, among others being attacked by radicalism and transnational ideology, the Presidential Working Unit for the Promotion of Pancasila Ideology (UKP-PIP) was set up, later raised to the level of the Pancasila Ideology Promotion Agency (BPIP). I am one of the members of the Steering Council. It has been four years and the BPIP is still busy with arranging its internal organization besides preparing the shooting range of Pancasila so as to penetrate political, economic and bureaucratic targets that are still regarded as being remote from the aspirations of independence in the form the realization of social justice for the entire population of Indonesia and the implementation of Article 33 of UUD 1945.

Will the BPIP have the same fate as that of Tubapi and the P4 movement? The answer highly depends on the success or failure of the state/government as the main executor (not the sole executor because the public shares the responsibility) to implement the Pancasila ideology in the process of national development.

Here the role of political intention and will is very decisive. If Pancasila continues to be treated as a lip service, the BPIP is likely to have the same fate as its predecessors, Tubapi and P4 upgrading. Its victims are the nation and state, especially the majority of common people who will be even more marginalized in the process of national development now also being shaken by the unrelenting attack by Covid-19.

KOMPAS/ADRIAN FAJRIANSYAH

Ahmad Syafii Maarif

I hope that Pancasila will no longer be betrayed by whomsoever to make it paralyzed while safeguarding national independence. Do not ever again let the years of independence go by to no avail. Indonesia is too honorable to be made an arena of uncivilized political struggle by dipping Pancasila into the dust of history!

Ahmad Syafii Maarif, Central Board General Chairman of Muhammadiyah 1998-2005.

This article was translated by Aris Prawira