Indonesian Politics after 2020 Regional Elections

KOMPAS/SAIFUL RIJAL YUNUS

Poll workers, assisted by local residents, install a tent used as a polling station in Makassar, South Sulawesi, on December 8. Many people are worried about the risk of coronavirus in-fection, because the 2020 simultaneous regional elections are held during the COVID-19 pandemic

Choosing a cat in a sack is a metaphor that means choosing something using a game of chance. If you are lucky, you will get a Persian cat, a Turkish Van, an Angora or the like. However, if unlucky, you will get a cat with ringworm or a cat with mange, or some other type, even if it is still a cat. In the simultaneous regional elections (Pilkada) that were held on Wednesday, voters were not gambling with choices because what they elected were not cats but “creatures” who were backed and controlled by powerful wealthy people and investors.

The practices of transactional politics involving wealthy people were unveiled by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) during a recent public discussion on regional elections and corruption regarding COVID-19 mitigation funds. The KPK said that around 82 percent of regional head candidates in the 2020 regional elections were funded by rent-seekers. Funds, commonly called political dowries, are usually used to obtain an endorsement from certain political parties to be able to run in the elections.

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The dowry becomes much bigger if the candidate wants to get endorsement or support from more than one political party. Candidates must also spend funds for campaign logistics, activities of political parties, campaign teams, volunteers, political consultants, survey institutions and for vote buying (Kompas TV, 4/11/2020).

Vote buying today has stripped the people of dignity as the holders of sovereignty. The people are treated as a commodity worth only a package of basic foods. The phenomenon of "modern dehumanization" is increasing sharply as financial backers or investors get greedy. Their political investment has penetrated into the electoral areas, from the center to the regions.

KOMPAS/JUMARTO YULIANUS

A crowd of supporters bearing campaign flags surround the South Kalimantan governor and deputy governor candidates, Denny Indrayana and Difriadi Darjat (center, wearing garlands), as the group heads en masse for the pair to register at the South Kalimantan General Elections Commission (KPU) on Saturday (5/9/2020) in Banjarmasin. Using the moniker “H2D” for Haji Denny-Difriadi, the candidates have the backing of three political parties in the 2020 regional elections

The dream of the people at the beginning of the Reform era was to get quality regional leaders. People, who not only had ethical competence and good skills and were able to uphold moral and ethical values, but who also had leadership skills and competence in managing an organization and in communicating, persuading and negotiating. However, that dream is far from the reality. The direct regional elections that have taken place for about 15 years have, instead, caused nightmares.

Democratic revolution

Political oligarchy does not arise suddenly. The repressive pressure of an authoritarian regime for decades far exceeded the limit of people\'s suffering: after the repressive regime collapsed, the people “overdosed” on euphoria. Like a spring that is pressed for too long, when it is suddenly released, the resilience of the spring is similar to the weight of the pressure.

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The community wanted the people\'s sovereignty to be realized immediately. The consequence is that the democratic process was carried out in a "revolutionary" spirit. The constitutional changes occurred only in about two years.

The spirit of "fast track" continues. Almost no regulatory products have a clear paradigm. The power order of the state and government was completely turned upside down. The process of institutionalizing state and political institutions was too late. As a consequence of the "democratic revolution", procedures and political structures became more preferable. The political culture as a spirit of democracy was ignored.

The demands are accommodated by Law No. 22/1999 on regional governments, which regulates a decentralization, the substance of which is not in line with the constitution.

The reform euphoria has also pushed certain regions, especially those with natural resources, including Riau, Kalimantan, Aceh and Papua, to seek greater independence. The demands are accommodated by Law No. 22/1999 on regional governments, which regulates a decentralization, the substance of which is not in line with the constitution.

The 1945 Constitution emphasizes that the structure of the government is a unitary state. However, Article 4 of Law No. 22/1999 has a federal character. It states: "In the framework of implementing the decentralization principle, provinces, regencies and municipalities have the authority to regulate and manage the interests of the local community according to their own initiatives based on the aspirations of the community; all these regions are independent and do not have a hierarchical relationship with each other.”

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Realizing this mistake, Law No. 22/1999 was revised with the issuance of Law No. 32/2004 on regional government. However, as the law did not have a grand narrative, in the middle of the journey, the "revolutionary" spirit recurred again. The regional elections are conducted directly. The idea was supported by the direct presidential election in 2004, which was considered a success.

Direct regional elections have taken place more than 1,600 times since 2005. Instead of deepening democracy, the practice of local elections has instead trapped democracy in the puddle of vote buying, dynastic and oligarchic politics, bureaucratic politicization, kinship politics and corruption. The government chain of command has become so weak that even Constitutional Court judges can be bribed.

KOMPAS/FERGANATA INDRA RIATMOKO

Poll workers carry equipment for the regional elections to polling station (TPS) 036 in Bibis Kulon village of Gilingan subdistrict, Banjarsari, Surakarta, Central Java, on December 8. The regional election held to elect a new mayor and deputy mayor for Surakarta will be con-ducted in 1,231 polling stations across the city.

This bitter experience led to awareness of the need to revise Law No. 32/2004. The revision was then made through the issuance of the Law No. 22/2014, which among other things, stipulates that the election of regional leaders will be conducted by members of the Regional Legislative Councils (DPRDs), instead of through direct elections. However, before the bill was formally implemented, a number of political parties opposed it. Some people also demanded the maintenance of direct elections. Finally, then-president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono issued Government Regulation in lieu of Law No. 1/2014, which became Law No. 1/2015. The law stipulates the return to direct regional elections.

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The post-reform democracy without a grand narrative that glorifies life together has caused the political oligarchy to become more powerful. In the post-Pilkada 2020 political agenda, the grand narrative must be oriented to the constitution and state ideology. I think it is not just rhetoric but a strategy of establishing the political direction of legislation toward an increasingly democratic government and strengthening the presidential system.

Kompas

J. Kristiadi

The entry point is the consideration of Constitutional Court Decision No 55/PUU-XVII/2019, which provides six very useful alternatives as a guide, especially the fourth option. It is stated that the national simultaneous elections to choose members of the House of Representatives, the Regional Representatives Council (DPD), president and vice president are held sometime after the local simultaneous elections are held to pick members of the DPRDs and regional heads. In a democracy without a grand narrative, elections will only become a road to a tyrannical regime.

J. KRISTIADI, Senior researcher at the Jakarta-based Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS)