Breaking the Chain of Political Vulgarization
At 75 years old, our nation seems to be becoming increasingly trapped in a paralytic political cycle.
At 75 years old, our nation seems to be becoming increasingly trapped in a paralytic political cycle. The annual rituals of the dangers of communism, the acute dream of the caliphate, the flip-flopping temptations over issues on the state system, and the overdue dispute about the Pancasila state ideology are only some examples that contribute to the paralytic process. All these have their source in the various complexes of macropolitics.
As the condition worsened over the last eight months with the invasion of the coronavirus, our nation became further depressed. The level of coherence and constitutional understanding across the different practices of national and democratic life – an absolute requirement for a nation’s advancement – is diminishing. The high reputation of President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo has also been fading following a series of “blunders”, especially the emasculation of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK).
Poor literacy
As if it were caught unawares, our nation has been losing its spirit, confidence and vast horizon of “Indonesianness” from one era to another. It is these three assets that gradually gave rise to national awakening over a century ago and produced three generations of sons and daughters of the nation who possessed, on average, phenomenal integrity and intelligence, in particular the founding fathers who ushered in the era of independence for us all.
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For years, our fighters and guerrillas defended their freedoms in a virtuous way against the military superiority of the Dutch forces that were backed by Britain and America. In no less than 40 years since his youth, Bung Karno (Sukarno) shined brilliantly on the national stage and performed with excellence in the arena of international politics.
It is no mistake to regard him as the leading personification of the nation’s spirit, confidence and vast horizons of Indonesianness. This was followed by the expansion of various fields and activities in the country in the first 25 years of the New Order.
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Regardless of the big mistakes in our political choices, as a nation we remained characterized and guided by the above three assets. Even in the midst of humble conditions, our leaders executed everything with minimum vulgarity. For decades, their accomplishments enabled our nation to face the world with our heads held high. Apparently, all this is merely an indistinct memory today.
As in psychology, we use the word “complex” here to refer to symptoms or aspects that continue to prevail to constantly afflict an individual, community or nation with various problems. These symptoms considerably hamper the emergence of initiatives and solutions in a number of fields.
At the age our independent nation has reached, we can point to the vulgarization of politics as the main cause of the political complexes that entangle and influence each other. This political vulgarization is inseparable from poor literacy, the identity crisis of fanaticism, limited horizons and the bankruptcy of authority.
No nation in the world is entirely free of political complexes. But we should admit honestly that the series and intensity of the complexes currently afflicting our nation regard very fundamental matters in vulnerable areas, and thus considerably dim the future prospects of our nation.
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The vulgarization of politics constitutes the source of, and at the same time, the outlet for, the manifestation of other bad political complexes. It stems from the gradual reversal in definition of the word “politics” itself. Originally, “politics” refers to the conscious effort of the founders or leaders of a nation to develop and nurture noble aims and virtuous actions among society. Vulgarization reverses the meaning of “politics” so it becomes a series of efforts and activities merely intended to thwart the other for the sake of keeping or seizing power, as dictated by the variety of base desires and instincts of the nation’s citizens.
In brief, vulgarization of politics is not only a betrayal of the aspirations of the triumphs all nations crave, but also a sign that the masses are willing to be mired in those base desires and instincts man. Political vulgarization therefore threatens the entire consensual aspects and mechanisms of national and democratic life. It reverses the central aim of the political collective, which is to achieve the highest virtues, reason and welfare in a pluralistic society.
It is hard not to notice the vulgarization occurring in the organization, management and practices of political parties in the reform era. It could even be underlined that the majority of political parties in the reform period have become “superspreaders” of political vulgarization to afflict our democratic system and mechanism as a whole.
Political parties are experiencing four bankruptcies: in modern political principles, in political ideologies, in their understanding of the political model as set by our founding fathers, and in achieving the political visions for our national and democratic life.
This also applies to reformist political parties. It should be noted that the emasculation of the KPK has resulted from a rotten fellowship, in particular between the leaders of reformist parties and leaders of parties that emerged during the New Order.
It is this vulgarization that we are witnessing in the behavior of the Jokowi government, which made such sophisticated promises at first, only to forget or to brush them aside later, one after another. Jokowi’s complicity in turning the KPK into almost nothing makes it even more of a necessity for us to question the realization and accountability of development projects like the “maritime axis”, infrastructure development, opening massive tracts of agricultural land, and human resource development.
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As for vulgarization in the government, the legislative practices at the House of Representatives (DPR) are more aptly described as practices that undermine the state, democracy and our country. The degree of the current opposition against the Job Creation Law should be understood as a direct effect of the poor reputation, frequent “dishonest deeds” and low public confidence in the DPR and the government in formulating and amending legislation.
Of course, we strongly decry any and all anarchistic actions of those that oppose the law and will continue to do so, but our eyes should turn to look at its primary cause. All spurious legislation practically ignores the democratic principles of substantive legitimacy and procedural legitimacy.
Opposing vulgarization
To prevent our nation from being trapped in this cycle of political paralysis, we should grasp and examine the essence of the examples set by our nation’s founders in their treasure trove of literature. It is no exaggeration to say that our nation has been able to claim its independence and maintain its survival up to the present because of the fruits contained in the tomes of our nation’s founders. These were born of their great existential zeal and remarkable perseverance, especially in their youth, to patiently read and digest as many books as possible.
In turn, this derived from the legacy of the seeds and virtues that our ancestors of Nusantara (Indonesian archipelago) planted throughout the pre-colonial millennium, as Anthony Reid and Denys Lombard noted in their major works. The literary treasures produced by generations of the nation’s sons and daughters continued to shine from the 1920s to the 1990s.
These treasures are a reservoir of immeasurable political virtue and excellence. A society without literary wealth, specifically the government, is a source of disaster. For more than the last three years, for instance, we have witnessed the deep and serious impact President Donald Trump’s poor literacy has had on American society.
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Poor literacy is the source of exclusivism and the fanatical identity crisis. Every type of exclusivism limits our horizons to end in impoverished identity. The more inclusive a group, the more open its horizons, the more constructive its relationships with all other groups in the nation, and the broader its path towards making further initiatives and developments in various fields, both inside and outside the country.
Soekarno’s achievements in the “Maxi Indonesia” undertaking and Jakob Oetama’s accomplishments in the “Mini Indonesia” venture through Kompas-Gramedia, both of who were equally populist and embraced all children of the nation, are two shining examples. The two are integrally connected to each other through their work and devotion, and serve as clear evidence of Indonesian inclusivism.
That Indonesia’s national and democratic life was founded in Pancasila was born out of egalitarianism and inclusivism deserves our endless gratitude. Major religions, generally of a populist and inclusive nature, emerged and developed one after another in Nusantara over millennia. The same is true of the diverse cultures across the archipelago. This is how the super-hybrid Indonesianness was born.
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As our nation becomes ever more trapped these days in a cycle that seems to be wiping out hope, it is even more necessary for the nation to recover the spirit, confidence and horizons of Indonesianness. We truly deserve to again believe that our nation still possesses the macropolitical capital to become greater.
We should come together to oppose and break the chain of vulgarization that gives rise to pessimism by capitalizing on the phenomenal tracks of the nation’s founders and the long line of contributors to the nation that succeeded them.
All of us, especially youths, should again restore our literary wealth and reject vulgarization and all its complexes. In the middle of the coronavirus crisis, we must still believe that our nation has the assets to become great. Armed with the Youth Pledge and Pancasila, we should evaluate the situation, raise our heads and keep moving forward with cautious confidence and optimism.
Mochtar Pabottingi, Research professor, Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), 2000-2010.