As the special autonomy status of Papua nears its end, it is time for the central government, regional governments, and the peoples of Papua and West Papua to discuss a better future.
By
AZYUMARDI AZRA
·6 minutes read
KOMPAS/AGUS SUSANTO
A poor family lives on the side of the Trans-Papua road, Mandobo District, Boven Digoel, Papua, Tuesday (3/3/2020). The implementation of 20 years of special autonomy (otsus) for Papua has not shown significant improvement in terms of the Human Development Index (HDI).
As the special autonomy status of Papua nears its end, it is time for the central government, regional governments, and the peoples of Papua and West Papua to discuss a better future.
The continuation of the special autonomy status for Papua (since 2001) and West Papua (since 2008) has recently become a hot topic, especially among the formal and informal leaders of the two provinces. The political tension linked to special autonomy seems to have divided the people of the two provinces, between those who remain pro-special autonomy and those who are anti-special autonomy.
The rising political temperature is still largely related to the impact of the Red and White flag incident (17/8/2019) that occurred at the dormitory for Papuan students in Surabaya, East Java. Deeming that the students had insulted the national flag, several overly excited groups in Surabaya surrounded the Papuan student dormitory. The action sparked waves of anger in several areas across Papua and West Papua.
Indeed, no incidents related to Papuans or West Papuans took place during the 75th anniversary of Indonesian independence on 17 Aug. 2020. The Independence Day commemorative event was safe under tight security. However, anger still burns in the hearts of Papuans and West Papuans.
They seem to sense no urgency in discussing this issue openly and thoroughly.
The perception that Papua and West Papua are in a state of peace may cause the government in Jakarta to feel that it does not need to discuss the issue of Papua’s special autonomy. They seem to sense no urgency in discussing this issue openly and thoroughly.
It may also be that national-level discussions on Papua\'s special autonomy have been relatively quiet because President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo and the relevant ministers have been spending much of their thinking, time and energy to deal with the Covid-19 health crisis; or they are more focused on efforts to save and revive the Indonesian economy.
However, in Papua and West Papua, the special autonomy issue has become a "glowing ball" that only continues to grow. Covid-19 transmission, which has not been high in the two provinces, has not taken over the issue of special autonomy.
This situation cannot be allowed to continue. It requires both serious attention and serious handling. At least two major issues are open to debate. First, Law No. 21/2001 on Papua Special Autonomy (Otsus), which stipulates that the special autonomy status is to last 20 years until November 2021.
There are those who argue that Law No. 21/2001 should be extended. As long as no new law is passed to replace it, this law retains the legal power to regulate specific statuses for the provinces of Papua and West Papua. So there is no need for a new law to continue to implement special autonomy.
On the other hand, Coordinating Political, Legal and Security Affairs Minister Mahfud M.D., at a limited Cabinet meeting at the Presidential Office (11/3/2020), stated that a new law was needed. Mahfud explained that the validity period of Law No. 21/2001 on Papua Special Autonomy would expire in November 2021.
Finance Minister Sri Mulyani has stated that the special autonomy fund would end in December 2021.
The second major issue is the sustainability of the special autonomy fund. Since special autonomy was implemented, the funds channeled from the state budgets of 2002-2020 have totaled Rp 95.24 trillion; although other sources say Rp 126.99 trillion. Finance Minister Sri Mulyani has stated that the special autonomy fund would end in December 2021.
As regards the special autonomy fund, some circles in Papua and West Papua say that there is no need to continue it. According to them, the special autonomy fund has failed to improve the people’s welfare. For them, “volume II” of special autonomy will be incapable of solving the major and other problems of Papua and West Papua.
KOMPAS/B JOSIE SUSILO HARDIANTO
Even though they live on land that is rich in natural resources, Papuans still live in an atmosphere full of concern. They are not only choked by poverty but are also labeled separatists. .
At the several webinars featuring a number of speakers from Papua and West Papua that the author attended, critical voices and resistance to sustaining special autonomy showed an increasing trend. These have escalated to demands for an end to the special autonomy status and to hold a referendum on the people’s will.
The escalation in demand came not only from activists representing human rights and democracy NGOs, but also local and national NGOs that focus on sociocultural empowerment. The hardening attitude was also seen in almost all civil sectors: civil society organizations, indigenous communities, interfaith groups and academia.
It seems that the government is not unaware of this unfavorable political dynamic. The central government, through the Coordinating Political, Legal and Security Affairs Minister, has stated that it would continue to distribute the special autonomy fund for Papua and West Papua. According to the coordinating minister, the special autonomy fund is to be extended with a number of improvements, including a verification system for special allocation funds under the state budget.
The coordinating minister explained that the special autonomy fund must be managed in an integrated and targeted manner. "It cannot be handed over the way it used to be, to run by itself. It is now integrated and directed by the [central government] so that both central and regional governments are equally responsible for its management. The center should not just disburse it. The regions should not just spend it," he said.
The senior minister’s statement shows, to some extent, the government\'s stance on the Papua and West Papua special autonomy so far, especially on managing the special autonomy fund. Although many circles in Papua, West Papua, as well as Jakarta have been critical, the government appears to possess the political will to continue the Special Autonomy for Papua as “volume II” of Special Autonomy for Papua and West Papua.
It is not sufficient to only hear the supporting voices of formal government officials and informal leaders in the two provinces.
However, whether the special autonomy is continued or not, whether volume II of the special autonomy fund is issued or not, the government should not take a unilateral decision. It is not sufficient to only hear the supporting voices of formal government officials and informal leaders in the two provinces.
The government must listen to all the stakeholders in Papua and West Papua, as well as all those outside these two provinces who have concerns about the peaceful resolution of the region’s problems. The government needs to hold in-depth dialogue with a variety of parties.
In order that the dialogue is productive, both the central and related local governments need to thoroughly evaluate various aspects of development in these two provinces. The evaluation should cover the conditions before and after the implementation of the Special Autonomy Law.
ABK
Azyumardi Azra
Nearly 20 years of the Special Autonomy Law seems to have had little effect on resolving the various political, economic and sociocultural problems in Papua and West Papua. The accelerated infrastructure development under the Jokowi administration has also failed to allay the people\'s many concerns.
As the end of Papua’s special autonomy draws near, it is time for the central government, regional administrations and the Papuan and West Papuan people to sit down together to discuss a better future for the region. This can be an opportunity to determine the course towards peace and harmony.
AZYUMARDI AZRA, History professor, Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University (UIN) Jakarta; Member of the Cultural Commission, the Indonesian Academy of Sciences (AIPI)