Among the important lessons all of us can take from the Covid-19 pandemic is the significance of national identity as a source of national resilience in facing the outbreak and its resulting crises.
By
YUDI LATIF
·5 minutes read
Among the important lessons all of us can take from the Covid-19 pandemic is the significance of national identity as a source of national resilience in facing the outbreak and its resulting crises. Countries with strong national identities, such as Japan, South Korea, China, Taiwan, Vietnam, Germany and New Zealand, have proven more effective in facing this test.
For a long time, psychologists have believed that ego strength, comprising self-confidence and self-pride, goal awareness, self-control, freedom of self-expression, ability to focus under pressure, accuracy in perceiving reality and the ability to make quick decisions, is a highly important factor in facing crises.
A nation as a collective entity has its own uniqueness. Ego strength in the context of this collective self is called national identity, which can be nurtured through collective historical awareness, collective values and symbols and collective national pride (Diamond, 2019). With a strong national identity, Germany and Japan have proven their ability to rise again following various downfalls and crises. With a ripped-apart national identity, even a superpower like the US can look so fragile.
For Indonesia, the Covid-19 pandemic has revealed the level of our true national identity. Our keenness to negate and blame one another has overwhelmed our sense of togetherness that we direly need in the current situation. A bylaw on state ideology that should have served as a medium for national bonding has instead triggered further strife and chaos.
We need to realize and appreciate the long road we have taken toward becoming a nation-state, as signs have become more apparent that we are facing the threat of national disruption. Despite progress in physical connectivity through transportation infrastructure and use of social media, we have seen setbacks in the nurturing of our mental connectivity.
Schools and the media, which used to serve as windows to cross-cultural relations and exchange of ideas, are undergoing episodes of stunting. Weakened reading and erudition interests have narrowed our capability of understanding and dulled our empathy toward those different from us. Exclusivity is spreading through the development of residential areas, schools and offices with steep social segregation.
Our collective moral community is becoming fractured due to fading commitments to set and maintain public morale. The moral basis of sociopolitical organizations are unclear. Of all values in Pancasila, only freedom in the second principle is still celebrated. Even this is limited to negative freedom. Furthermore, there is no serious effort to prevent the things that threaten our collective safety.
It is difficult to find a social basis that persistently fights for justice and public welfare. There has been an erosion of loyalty for national institutions and traditions. Respect of legal authorities and leadership is waning. The generosity in nurturing collective “sanctified” objects is fading.
Public narratives are not pushing for convergence. Instead, they are promoting divergence. Sharpening political polarizations solidify differences and make compromises difficult. Differences in framework of support, such as between axes of supporters of incumbents vs. the opposition, can be constructive as long as such differences are seen as part of the “yin and yang” spirit. This will be like the presence of night (dark) and day (light) – two things that are apparently different but complement each other as part of a whole and unified life.
Differences can be destructive when they are responded with a “Manichean” spirit, which sees enemies in the framework of a war between “Ahuramazda” (the force of light) vs. “Ahriman” (the force of darkness). Peace cannot exist between these two powers and all competitions must end with one killing the other.
Shifts in responding to differences are the accumulation of crises in mental-character, institutional and material realms. Developments in these three realms have strayed far from the moral imperatives of Pancasila. Thus far, our education system has been lacking in its efforts to cultivate the cores of national morality and character. Among its implications is the erosion of public morality and citizenship traits as the basis of shared intentionality and social embeddedness.
The current policy politics is also filled with chaos in its capacity to set the design and governance of democracy and government as it has neglected guidance of unity and justice mandated by the noble values of the state philosophy and Constitution. Meanwhile, the production economy has yet to fulfill the hopes of prosperity and economic inclusion, which leads to high levels of poverty and social injustice.
Furthermore, the draining of national energy for internal strife and the tendency to insult one’s own nation are usually found in nation-states with deficit of national pride. A cultural strategy is required to divert this negative energy into positive energy that globalizes this nation’s potentials and talents on international markets. Competitions with other nations will not only lead to achievements but also transform internal conflicts into contestations with common external “opponents”. The perception on collective interests can also be enlivened through positive-progressive nationalism by building agenda of progress, superiority and commonwealth.
Thus, the crisis has given us a moment for self-reflection to collectively strengthen our national identity with honesty and commitment to realize the vision and mission of the state based on Pancasila.