Observing the misery of contract laborers at the Deli Sumatera tea plantations from 1920-1921, Tan Malaka’s thoughts wandered far into the future: When Indonesia eventually became independent someday, this would not mean that the fate of the poor would change overnight into prosperity.
When Indonesia was free under a democratic system, the people, as owners of sovereignty,would be immediately betrayed by those very politicians the people have chosen.
Soon after being elected, these politicians would fortify themselves against the people\'s complaints, establish a minority elite community, defend their power and wealth prosperity, and attack anyone who contested them. Thereby, a failed republic would fulfill its ideal objectives.
Money politics
We seem to be experiencing what Tan Malaka said nearly a century ago for nearly two decades of our democracy. The state of electoral politics has become an arena for money politics through a clientelism that produces political elites who maintain their own interests.
Protecting these interests occurs through the defense of authority, by denying the people’s mandate and bypassing the principle of transparent authority.
The latest example of the political elite\'s betrayal of the agenda of promoting clean politics appeared in connection with the collective corruption alleged in the embezzlement in the e-ID case, which dragged in many prominent members of the House of Representatives (DPR).
In connection with the naming of Golkar Party chairman Setya Novanto as a suspect by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) – and his successful escape from legal pitfalls – the House’s cross-party political circle skillfully developed the defense of their power and collective wealth by cutting the role of the anti-corruption institution.
This case is an example how the political elite immediately separate themselves from the corruption eradication agenda, which isa major public concern. Instead of supporting the people\'s aspiration, the House members mutually protect their own interests through the collective plundering of the public budget in the e-ID project. They also collectively defend themselves from every attack and effort to expose this looting of public resources.
The e-ID scandal, which involves cross-party legislators and an intention to dwarf the KPK through the establishment of the House’s Special Inquiry Committee, has become a concrete example of political predators whose maneuvering attack the goal of eradicating corruption.
The phenomenon shows a political momentum, wherein the goal of eradicating corruption has turned into an issue that has united the political elite as a counter-reform power that is slowly undermining the hopes of all Indonesian people. By taking such a step, they are turning away from the path of loyalty to the road of betrayal.
Reform at risk of failing
A decade ago in 2007, Elizabeth Fuller Collins in Indonesia Betrayed: How Development Fails, explained that the journey of Indonesian reform that started in 1998 was vulnerable to collapse and failing to meet the promises of social justice and a transparent government.
The failure of the agency of reform is taking place amid the grand scheme of Indonesia’s integration toward a free-market economy (neoliberal governance) and rent-seeking corrupt politicians, who work to destroy the expectations of social justice and instead perpetuate economic imbalances.The accumulation of power and widening of economic inequalities are occurring through the increased political corruption and plundering of public resources by corrupt politicians.
Civil bankruptcy
Behind the work of the imbalanced and non-transparent power types are a great wave of neoliberal policies that serve only the smallest, uppermost layer in the social hierarchy and predatory politicians’ resistance of the anti-corruption drive. In essence, our republic is experiencing a massive public morality crisis.
This crisis of morality, if it is not resisted by a wave of civil forces, will bring Indonesia to the brink of destruction.
In relation to the public morality crisis, it is best that we reflect upon what Mahatma Gandhi once said. In an article in the Young India newspaper published on Oct. 22, 1925 on the corrupting nature of power, the young Gandhi affirmed the seven social sins that would damage a civilization. The current case of collective corruption by politicians fulfills two of the seven social sins: politics without principles and wealth without work.
Politics that runs without orientation to the morality of truth cause turmoil in our country amid an erosion of trust between citizens and their political elite. The current, increasing phenomenon of right-wing populism at the community level that spreads hatred against others is a fruit of the growing public distrust against the prevailing political order.
The rising wave of a return to Pancasila values will lose its driving spirit when the people do not have any public role models of the implementation of Pancasila values.
On the other hand, the maneuvering of predatory politicians against the anti-corruption political agenda is the manifestation of an ethos to gain wealth without hard work.
In the healthy economy of a democratic country, economic development occurs upon the hard work of each individual to push a productive economy that will be distributed in a just and fair manner.
Rent-seeking
Nevertheless, unequal and corrupt maneuvering of power to gain wealth is concentrated in a handful of politician-businessmen. Macroeconomic wealth does not grow as a result of rent-seeking, and only the rich minority become richer through the plundering of public authority and resources.
The majority of people fight for the crumbs of wealth left over from the corrupt festivities of the business-political powers.
While the minority business-political elite work hand in hand to maintain their wealth, the common people struggle in a win-or-lose fight to simply prolong their breath.
In the current influx that is drowning the political order, the rotten politicians are the force that is working slowly to undermine republic-building.
AIRLANGGA PRIBADI KUSMAN
FISIP Political Science Lecturer and Director of the Centre for Statecraft and Citizenship Studies at Airlangga University